2018.8.4
美國國會通過國防法案,兩黨聯手強硬對華
在美國兩黨加緊聯手抵制中國的形勢下, 美國國會通過了一項國防政策法案, 一些議員認為這份法案的對華態度堪稱史上最強硬。 按照這項年度政策法案的授權, 美國政府在下一個財政年度內總國防支出可達7,160億美元。 這項法案試圖遏制中國政府一系列政策,包括增加南中國海( 中國稱南海)的軍事活動, 獲取美國尖端科技以及在美國各機構內宣傳中共。 參議院周三以87票贊成、10票反對的結果通過了該法案, 該法案上周已在眾議院獲批,預計總統特朗普將簽署使之成為法律。 從今年的《國家國防授權法案》可以看出, 在國會兩黨和國家安全官員中逐漸達成共識, 認為全球正在邁進一個大國競爭的新時代, 為了與中國和俄羅斯競爭,美國必須采取更多行動。
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從華為孟晚舟被捕看中美爭霸內幕
美國指控華為違反伊朗制裁令,但為什麼是財務長被捕?孟晚舟作為創辦人任正非的女兒這個身份為何重要?她是否真的會被加拿大引渡至美國受審?這起引發世界關注的事件背後意義是什麼? 德國之聲為您整理各國資訊。
華為副董兼財務長孟晚舟被捕的消息在全球科技業引起軒然大波。他不僅是創辦人任正非的掌上明珠,更是華為第二代接班人。外界關注孟晚舟是否能安然脫身。這個案件是否會影響華為興衰。
(德國之聲中文網) 加拿大總理特魯多周四(12月6日)表示,加拿大應美國要求逮捕中國電信巨頭華為財務長孟晚舟的決定“沒有任何政治牽連或乾預”。他說:“我可以向所有人保證,加拿大有獨立的司法機構。有關當局是在沒有任何政治牽連或乾預的情況下做判斷。”
孟晚舟被捕消息傳出後,週四亞洲股市大幅下挫。香港恆生指數下跌2.47%,日本基準日經225股票平均指數下跌1.91%後跌幅高達2.79%。
美國國家安全顧問約翰·博爾頓(John Bolton)拒絕透露有關逮捕的具體細節,但表示他事先知情。他也強調,美國多年來一直擔心中國企業強迫技術轉讓和有關知識產權方面的侵害。
加拿大司法部表示,孟晚舟的保釋聽證會已定當地時間週五上午10點(德國時間週五下午五點、北京時間週六凌晨兩點)在不列顛哥倫比亞省最高法院召開。司法部發言人麥克里歐德(Ian McLeod)告訴德新社,聽證會與尚未安排的引渡聽證是分開的。
孟晚舟犯了什麼罪?
知情人士透露,孟晚舟是因為華為涉嫌利用全球銀行系統逃避美國對伊朗制裁而被捕。調查內容包括華為是否利用匯豐銀行進行相關的非法交易。
《華爾街日報》週四(12月6日)引述消息人士報導,美國聯邦政府設在匯豐銀行的監管人員發現華為公司賬目中的可疑交易記錄,並提供給調查華為公司的紐約東區聯邦檢察官。匯豐銀行配合調查人員,提供華為公司在該銀行的賬目交易記錄。這個線索最後導致孟晚舟在加國被捕。
匯豐銀行發言人周四拒絕評論此事。
其實匯豐銀行在2012年就曾因違反了美國的製裁令和《洗錢法》支付了19.2億美元,並與布魯克林的美國檢察官辦公室簽訂了延期起訴協議。
有關詳細的案件內容與關聯要等美國司法部門進一步公開資訊確認。
美方在中美貿易停火敏感時刻要求加拿大逮捕孟晚舟為談判和雙邊關係投下震撼彈。
逮捕和引渡孟晚舟的合法性
美國的聯邦和州檢察官無法直接要求他國同級單位逮捕並引渡嫌犯。這一類的請求必須通過美國司法部國際事務辦公室(OIA)提出。OIA在過程中與他國有關當局保持溝通管道,並負責有關逮捕和引渡行動。國際刑事辯護律師道格拉斯·麥克納布(Douglas McNabb)表示,對於像孟晚舟這樣的重要人物,有關的決策應該牽涉到美國政府高層。
加拿大是美國《引渡條約》合作的100多個國家其中之一,有義務配合OIA的要求。美國和加拿大合作的條約內容通常要求引渡嫌犯在兩國都有犯罪行為。一旦收到OIA請求,加拿大法院必須確定是否有足夠的證據支持引渡。加拿大司法部長必鬚髮出正式命令。不過目前尚不清楚OIA是否正式要求孟晚舟的引渡。
針對沒有引渡條約的國家,像是中國、俄羅斯和沙特阿拉伯,OIA可以透過國際刑警組織發出“紅色通知”進行逮捕。這樣的行動通常不會公開,但一旦有人到達與美國簽訂引渡條約的第三國境內的過境點或機場就會被逮捕。孟晚舟是在機場被捕的,但媒體尚未證實加拿大是否是因為紅色通知而行動。
OIA的引渡請求因條約而異,但美國當局通常都會記錄指控的性質和證據。在引渡聽證會上,孟晚舟可以主張,引渡至美國審判會侵害她在被捕國加拿大的權利。過去類似這樣的案件常常纏訟數月甚至數年。
十年後的全球霸主是誰?
美國和中國這世界上兩個最大的經濟體正在爭奪未來幾十年內的經濟和政治支配地位。
德傑(Dechert LLP)國際貿易業務主席德巴斯克(Amanda DeBusk)說:“這是一個比貿易爭端更廣泛的問題,牽動著哪一國將成為世界領導者。”
在美國和許多外部分析家看來,中國已經開始積極推動各項措施要挑戰美國在技術和全球經濟上的領導地位。
分析師稱,中國以掠奪性策略迫使美國和其他外國公司交出商業機密,以換取進入中國市場的機會,也透過網絡竊取重要資訊。
華盛頓方面也開始提防北京雄心勃勃的計劃--“中國製造2025”。美方認為中國政府透過不公平地補貼中國企業和歧視外國競爭對手來控制機器人和電動汽車等領域。
美國指控華為違反伊朗制裁令,但為什麼是財務長被捕?孟晚舟作為創辦人任正非的女兒這個身份為何重要?她是否真的會被加拿大引渡至美國受審?這起引發世界關注的事件背後意義是什麼? 德國之聲為您整理各國資訊。
華為副董兼財務長孟晚舟被捕的消息在全球科技業引起軒然大波。他不僅是創辦人任正非的掌上明珠,更是華為第二代接班人。外界關注孟晚舟是否能安然脫身。這個案件是否會影響華為興衰。
(德國之聲中文網) 加拿大總理特魯多周四(12月6日)表示,加拿大應美國要求逮捕中國電信巨頭華為財務長孟晚舟的決定“沒有任何政治牽連或乾預”。他說:“我可以向所有人保證,加拿大有獨立的司法機構。有關當局是在沒有任何政治牽連或乾預的情況下做判斷。”
孟晚舟被捕消息傳出後,週四亞洲股市大幅下挫。香港恆生指數下跌2.47%,日本基準日經225股票平均指數下跌1.91%後跌幅高達2.79%。
美國國家安全顧問約翰·博爾頓(John Bolton)拒絕透露有關逮捕的具體細節,但表示他事先知情。他也強調,美國多年來一直擔心中國企業強迫技術轉讓和有關知識產權方面的侵害。
加拿大司法部表示,孟晚舟的保釋聽證會已定當地時間週五上午10點(德國時間週五下午五點、北京時間週六凌晨兩點)在不列顛哥倫比亞省最高法院召開。司法部發言人麥克里歐德(Ian McLeod)告訴德新社,聽證會與尚未安排的引渡聽證是分開的。
孟晚舟犯了什麼罪?
知情人士透露,孟晚舟是因為華為涉嫌利用全球銀行系統逃避美國對伊朗制裁而被捕。調查內容包括華為是否利用匯豐銀行進行相關的非法交易。
《華爾街日報》週四(12月6日)引述消息人士報導,美國聯邦政府設在匯豐銀行的監管人員發現華為公司賬目中的可疑交易記錄,並提供給調查華為公司的紐約東區聯邦檢察官。匯豐銀行配合調查人員,提供華為公司在該銀行的賬目交易記錄。這個線索最後導致孟晚舟在加國被捕。
匯豐銀行發言人周四拒絕評論此事。
其實匯豐銀行在2012年就曾因違反了美國的製裁令和《洗錢法》支付了19.2億美元,並與布魯克林的美國檢察官辦公室簽訂了延期起訴協議。
有關詳細的案件內容與關聯要等美國司法部門進一步公開資訊確認。
美方在中美貿易停火敏感時刻要求加拿大逮捕孟晚舟為談判和雙邊關係投下震撼彈。
逮捕和引渡孟晚舟的合法性
美國的聯邦和州檢察官無法直接要求他國同級單位逮捕並引渡嫌犯。這一類的請求必須通過美國司法部國際事務辦公室(OIA)提出。OIA在過程中與他國有關當局保持溝通管道,並負責有關逮捕和引渡行動。國際刑事辯護律師道格拉斯·麥克納布(Douglas McNabb)表示,對於像孟晚舟這樣的重要人物,有關的決策應該牽涉到美國政府高層。
加拿大是美國《引渡條約》合作的100多個國家其中之一,有義務配合OIA的要求。美國和加拿大合作的條約內容通常要求引渡嫌犯在兩國都有犯罪行為。一旦收到OIA請求,加拿大法院必須確定是否有足夠的證據支持引渡。加拿大司法部長必鬚髮出正式命令。不過目前尚不清楚OIA是否正式要求孟晚舟的引渡。
針對沒有引渡條約的國家,像是中國、俄羅斯和沙特阿拉伯,OIA可以透過國際刑警組織發出“紅色通知”進行逮捕。這樣的行動通常不會公開,但一旦有人到達與美國簽訂引渡條約的第三國境內的過境點或機場就會被逮捕。孟晚舟是在機場被捕的,但媒體尚未證實加拿大是否是因為紅色通知而行動。
OIA的引渡請求因條約而異,但美國當局通常都會記錄指控的性質和證據。在引渡聽證會上,孟晚舟可以主張,引渡至美國審判會侵害她在被捕國加拿大的權利。過去類似這樣的案件常常纏訟數月甚至數年。
十年後的全球霸主是誰?
美國和中國這世界上兩個最大的經濟體正在爭奪未來幾十年內的經濟和政治支配地位。
德傑(Dechert LLP)國際貿易業務主席德巴斯克(Amanda DeBusk)說:“這是一個比貿易爭端更廣泛的問題,牽動著哪一國將成為世界領導者。”
在美國和許多外部分析家看來,中國已經開始積極推動各項措施要挑戰美國在技術和全球經濟上的領導地位。
分析師稱,中國以掠奪性策略迫使美國和其他外國公司交出商業機密,以換取進入中國市場的機會,也透過網絡竊取重要資訊。
華盛頓方面也開始提防北京雄心勃勃的計劃--“中國製造2025”。美方認為中國政府透過不公平地補貼中國企業和歧視外國競爭對手來控制機器人和電動汽車等領域。
Bloomberg Asia
The arrest of Huawei's CFO happened around the same time that Donald Trump and Xi Jinping sat down for dinner.
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The arrest of Huawei's CFO happened around the same time that Donald Trump and Xi Jinping sat down for dinner.
紐約時報 2018.12.6
Arrest Shakes Huawei as Global Skepticism of Its Business Grows
A shopping mall in Shanghai on Thursday. China sees Huawei as a main driver of its ambitions for technological leadership. But much of the world sees it as a potential conduit for espionage and sabotage.Aly Song/Reuters
By Raymond Zhong and Li Yuan
It is one of China’s proudest corporate success stories, a colossus in cutting-edge technology that elbowed out Western rivals to become the biggest supplier of the hardware that connects our modern world.
Now, all around the globe, the walls are going up for Huawei.
The United States, which for years has considered the Chinese telecommunications giant a security threat, aimed a straight shot at the company’s leadership when it secured the arrest, in Canada, of Huawei’s chief financial officer.
But lately, Huawei’s setbacks have come on multiple fronts, from New Zealand and Australia to Britain and Canada. China sees the company as a pivotal driver of its ambitions for global technological leadership. Increasingly, much of the rest of the world sees it as a potential conduit for espionage and sabotage.
The Canadian government said on Wednesday that it had detained Huawei’s chief financial officer, Meng Wanzhou, on Saturday in Vancouver, British Columbia, while she was transferring flights. The United States is seeking Ms. Meng’s extradition but has not said what prompted the arrest.
[Stock markets were shaken by the arrest, as investors feared the impact on U.S.-China trade relations.]
The news ignited anger and astonishment in China on Thursday, mere days after leaders of the United States and China announced a reprieve in their trade battle.
A “declaration of war” against China was how Hu Xijin, the editor in chief of Global Times, a state-run newspaper known for its nationalist tone, described Ms. Meng’s detention on Weibo, a Twitter-like service.
Gavin Ni, the chairman of Zero2IPO Group, an influential research and consulting firm in China’s investment industry, wrote on his WeChat social media account: “The China-U.S. competition is not merely a trade rivalry, but a rivalry on all fronts. Carry on, our motherland!”
At a daily news briefing on Thursday, Geng Shuang, a spokesman for China’s Foreign Ministry, said it had asked American and Canadian officials to give a reason for the detention and to immediately release Ms. Meng.
“To detain someone without giving clear reason is an obvious violation of human rights,” Mr. Geng said.
Meng Wanzhou, Huawei’s chief financial officer and a daughter of its founder, was arrested on Saturday in Canada at the request of the United States.Maxim Shipenkov/EPA, via Shutterstock
Huawei said Thursday that it was not aware of any wrongdoing by Ms. Meng, who is a daughter of the company’s founder, and that it complied with the law wherever it operated. The company has long denied that it spies on behalf of Beijing.
For many years, the fog of distrust surrounding Huawei was a problem that was largely confined to the United States. Large American mobile carriers such as AT&T have avoided using Huawei’s equipment in their networks ever since a 2012 congressional report highlighted the security risks.
In response, Huawei focused its business efforts elsewhere. Its success in wealthy places such as Europe has helped it become the planet’s largest maker of telecommunications equipment, as well as its No. 2 smartphone brand. Of the more than $90 billion in revenue it earned last year, more than a quarter came from Europe, the Middle East and Africa.
Now, a wider patch of the world appears to be siding with Washington against Chinese technology. A turn en masse against the company, led by governments in many of its most important markets, would have grave implications for its business.
Australia barred Huawei earlier this year from supplying technology for the country’s fifth-generation, or 5G, mobile networks. New Zealand last week blocked one of its leading mobile carriers from buying Huawei’s 5G gear. Britain’s intelligence chief, in a rare public appearance this week, said that the country had a difficult decision to make on whether to allow Huawei to build its 5G infrastructure.
And Canada’s top spy echoed those concerns, without naming Huawei or China, in a speech on Tuesday. Huawei has tested 5G equipment with major mobile carriers in both Canada and Britain.
Behind the tariff fight that has engulfed Washington and Beijing lies a deeper contest for leadership in future technologies such as supercomputing, artificial intelligence and 5G mobile internet. For many people in China, the contest feels not merely commercial, but civilizational. At stake is the country’s ability to claim its rightful place as a superpower.
“The Chinese government and Chinese companies must face these new circumstances, take up new countermeasures and get through this stage of crisis,” Fang Xingdong, the founder of ChinaLabs, a technology think tank in Beijing, said on Thursday. “This is a necessary rite of passage for China’s global technological rise.”
Huawei has tried to avoid being pulled into this fight. In an internal memo from January that was reviewed by The New York Times, Ren Zhengfei, the company’s founder, outlined a strategy for navigating these uncertain times.
The key, he wrote: Keep adapting. But do so quietly.
“Sometimes, it’s better to find a safe place and wait for stormy weather to pass,” Mr. Ren wrote.
Europe was one such place, Mr. Ren said. Huawei has cultivated political friendships and invested heavily in places like Britain. “Eventually, through years of effort, our goal is for Europeans to perceive Huawei as a European company,” Mr. Ren wrote.
Ren Zhengfei, the founder of Huawei, has sought to avoid conflicts by quietly adapting the company’s approach overseas. “Eventually, through years of effort, our goal is for Europeans to perceive Huawei as a European company,” he wrote at one point.Bobby Yip/Reuters
Canada seemed to be another safe harbor. “The Canadian government is very sensible and open, giving us enormous confidence in our investments in this country,” Mr. Ren wrote.
This was all before Washington nearly put out of business Huawei’s main Chinese rival, called ZTE.
In April, the Commerce Department banned ZTE from using components made in the United States after saying the company had failed to punish employees who violated American sanctions against Iran and North Korea. The move was effectively a death sentencebecause ZTE relied heavily on American microchips and other technology.
In building its case against ZTE, the United States government began investigating Huawei as well.
When the Commerce Department first announced its findings against ZTE in 2016, it released an internal ZTE document illustrating best practices for evading American sanctions.
In describing the approach, the document cited a company it nicknamed F7 as a model for how to pull it off. The description of F7 in the document matched Huawei.
A few months later, the Commerce Department subpoenaed Huaweiand requested all information about its export or re-export of American technology to Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Sudan, and Syria, according to a copy of the subpoena seen by The New York Times.
The probe widened this year when the Treasury and Commerce Departments asked the Justice Department to investigate Huawei for possible sanctions violations. Prosecutors in the Eastern District of New York took on the case.
Eventually, the Trump administration decided to ease its punishmentof ZTE, in an effort to cool tensions with China’s leader, Xi Jinping, ahead of a historic North Korea meeting. But the power that Washington wielded over the fates of Chinese tech companies had been made very clear to people on both sides of the Pacific. In October, the Commerce Department imposed export controls on Fujian Jinhua, a state-backed semiconductor company that has been accused of stealing American chip designs.
Should Huawei be subjected to a ban on using American technology, the consequences would be significant, though perhaps not as life-threatening as they were for ZTE.
One crucial difference is that Huawei, unlike ZTE, does not depend extensively on outside vendors such as Qualcomm for the main microchips in its smartphones. Around two-thirds of the handsets that Huawei sells contain chips made in-house, said Sean Kao, a hardware analyst at the research firm IDC.
Still, American firms supply other kinds of chips in Huawei’s gear as well as optical equipment for its fiber cable networks and other specialized parts.
“I don’t know exactly how many suppliers are affected,” said Stéphane Téral, senior research director at the data provider IHS Markit. But one thing is certain, he said: “They won’t be easily substitutable.”
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