總柴 vs 此情可待成追憶
衛福部總柴是真的與陳時中合拍影片引討論| 生活| 中央社CNA
鼓勵民眾響應防疫新生活運動，疫情指揮中心指揮官陳時中與衛福部狗明星「總柴」拍影片，呼籲勤洗手、保持社交距離。陳時中與總柴互動，引起網友熱烈討論，原來總柴總柴終於現身！
--此情可待成追憶
2019/03/22 - 高雄市長韓國瑜今天率團赴中國訪問，首站抵達香港拜會香港特首林鄭月娥並共進午餐......
****
金融時報社論：台灣作為一活力民主國家，應獲得更多支持—透過與西方國家提高層級之交往及國際組織參與，台灣在衛生及網路安全等諸多議題上可提供許多貢獻。
Financial Times
View: As a vibrant democracy, Taiwan deserves more support (from western nations) — through upgraded contacts with western nations and participation in international organisations, where it has a lot to offer on issues from health to cyber security.****
示威：美國遍地、世界各大都市支援
Other Protests Flare and Fade. Why This Movement Already Seems Different.
By JACK HEALY and KIM BARKER
The massive gatherings for racial justice across the country and now the world have achieved a scale and level of momentum not seen in decades.
****
Diplomacy - History of diplomacy：China| Britannica. 葛兆光演講：「朝貢圏最後の盛会」對談：葛兆光 × 杉山清彦
****
Diplomacy - History of diplomacy | Britannica
China
The first records of Chinese and Indian diplomacy date from the 1st millennium BCE. By the 8th century BCE the Chinese had leagues, missions, and an organized system of polite discourse between their many “warring states,” including resident envoys who served as hostages to the good behaviour of those who sent them. The sophistication of this tradition, which emphasized the practical virtues of ethical behaviour in relations between states (no doubt in reaction to actual amorality), is well documented in the Chinese classics. Its essence is perhaps best captured by the advice of Zhuangzi to “diplomats” at the beginning of the 3rd century BCE. He advised them that
if relations between states are close, they may establish mutual trust through daily interaction; but if relations are distant, mutual confidence can only be established by exchanges of messages. Messages must be conveyed by messengers [diplomats]. Their contents may be either pleasing to both sides or likely to engender anger between them. Faithfully conveying such messages is the most difficult task under the heavens, for if the words are such as to evoke a positive response on both sides, there will be the temptation to exaggerate them with flattery and, if they are unpleasant, there will be a tendency to make them even more biting. In either case, the truth will be lost. If truth is lost, mutual trust will also be lost. If mutual trust is lost, the messenger himself may be imperiled. Therefore, I say to you that it is a wise rule: “always to speak the truth and never to embellish it. In this way, you will avoid much harm to yourselves.”
This tradition of equal diplomatic dealings between contending states within China was ended by the country’s unification under the Qin emperor in 221 BCE and the consolidation of unity under the Han dynasty in 206 BCE. Under the Han and succeeding dynasties, China emerged as the largest, most populous, technologically most-advanced, and best-governed society in the world. The arguments of earlier Chinese philosophers, such as Mencius, prevailed; the best way for a state to exercise influence abroad, they had said, was to develop a moral society worthy of emulation by admiring foreigners and to wait confidently for them to come to China to learn.
Once each succeeding Chinese dynasty had consolidated its rule at home and established its borders with the non-Chinese world, its foreign relations with the outside world were typically limited to the defense of China’s borders against foreign attacks or incursions, the reception of emissaries from neighbouring states seeking to ingratiate themselves and to trade with the Chinese state, and the control of foreign merchants in specific ports designated for foreign trade. With rare exceptions (e.g., official missions to study and collect Buddhist scriptures in India in the 5th and 7th centuries and the famous voyages of discovery of the Ming admiral Zheng He in the early 15th century), Chinese leaders and diplomats waited at home for foreigners to pay their respects rather than venturing abroad themselves. This “tributary system” lasted until European colonialism overwhelmed it and introduced to Asia the European concepts of sovereignty, suzerainty, spheres of influence, and other diplomatic norms, traditions, and practices.
很有意思或時代意義的演講，值得深思......
東京カレッジオンライン(TOKYO COLLEGE) 講演「朝貢圏最後の盛会」講師：葛兆光
•May 26, 2020
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=av3fpo_E2r4
Ben Chen
葛兆光在東京預錄的演講
可能是因為疫情而滯留在東京。
乾隆八十歲大壽，各方的朝貢盛會
6/8，會有對談的直播
「朝貢圏最後の盛会」【対談】葛兆光 × 杉山清彦
TC.U-TOKYO.AC.JP
東京カレッジオンライン講演「朝貢圏最後の盛会」講師：葛兆光 (2020-06-08)
東京カレッジオンライン講演「朝貢圏最後の盛会」講師：葛兆光 日本語 English (英語) Calendar いつ： 2020.06.08 16:00 – 17:
元代においては朝貢と言った形式はなかったが、明になると再び朝貢形式が採られた。鄭和の大遠征により、多数の国々からの朝貢を受けることになった。しかし回賜の経費が莫大であったことから、その後に明は朝貢制限へと方針転換し、明の成化10年（1474年）には2年に一貢となり、朝貢一行も100人以下と厳命される。
清と朝貢国は「属邦自主」の原則にあり、朝貢国の内政・外交を清が直接支配はしなかったが、属国と上国という上下の秩序にあり、朝鮮・琉球・ベトナム（阮朝）・タイ王国・ビルマ（コンバウン朝）・ネパール・イスラーム諸国の朝貢国の君主が清と主従関係を結んだ[3]。ヨーロッパに対しても、朝貢感覚で貿易を継続しようとしたが、ヨーロッパ諸国に傲慢な態度として憎まれ、結果、アヘン戦争などが勃発し、逆に中国が半植民地化する要因となった。さらに琉球処分及び清仏戦争や日清戦争における清の敗北により、李氏朝鮮や阮朝、琉球王国からの朝貢も終了した。これ以降、朝貢という形式での対外関係は消滅した。
日本
Chinese practice of tributes as trade regulation and authority
The Qianlong Emperor (25 September 1711 – 7 February 1799)
However, due to numerous factors such as long term embezzlement and corruption by officials, frequent expeditions to the south, huge palace constructions, many war and rebellion campaigns as well as his own extravagant lifestyle, all of these cost the treasury a total of 150.2 million silver taels.[citation needed] This, coupled with his senior age and the lack of political reforms, ushered the beginning of the gradual decline and eventual demise of the Qing Empire, casting a shadow over his glorious and brilliant political life.
- Elliott, Mark C. (2001). The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China (illustrated, reprint ed.). Stanford University Press.
- ^ Crossley, Pamela Kyle (2000). A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology. University of California Press.
沒有留言:
張貼留言